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Reform UK's Local Government Performance Raises Questions About National Readiness

  • Writer: Iven Forson
    Iven Forson
  • Nov 28, 2025
  • 8 min read


Reform UK, the insurgent British political party consistently topping national opinion polls, faces growing scrutiny over whether its six months of controlling 10 English local authorities demonstrate readiness to govern the United Kingdom or reveal significant limitations that could undermine national ambitions.


Recent polling suggests Reform could win more parliamentary seats than any other party at the next general election, potentially enough to form a government. The party won control of 10 English local authorities in May elections, including six of 21 county councils, capturing 677 seats, 41% of all contested seats, and more than any other party.

However, early governance experiences have been turbulent. A leaked video last month showed Linden Kemkaran, Reform's leader in Kent County Council, the party's self-described flagship authority swearing at her own councillors and telling them to "suck it up" if they disagreed with her decisions.


The incident sparked national controversy, with Labour MPs labeling Kemkaran "unprofessional" and "not up to the job." At the same time, Liberal Democrat and Green groups claimed Reform's council management had "descended into chaos." Five Kent Reform councillors have been expelled amid the upheaval, though Kemkaran remains firmly in post, declaring "business as usual" at the council.


Danny Kruger, one of Reform's five Members of Parliament, offered a revealing characterization of his party last month, describing it as "a bit of a pirate ship with an 'ill-disciplined' crew and a 'buccaneering' captain." However, he added it was "a powerful ship with a dangerous broadside, a terror to its rivals."

Kruger framed Reform's challenge as transforming "this pirate ship into His Majesty's Royal Navy ship, ready to enter the King's service and serve our nation." This candid assessment acknowledges organizational deficiencies while asserting the party's disruptive potential.

The question now is whether Reform's local government performance provides evidence of successful transformation or confirms concerns about an organization unprepared for the responsibilities of national governance.

Zia Yusuf, a former Reform chairman, led the DOGE team until last month.
Zia Yusuf, a former Reform chairman, led the DOGE team until last month.

Before the May elections, party leader Nigel Farage promised Reform would "send in the auditors… get rid of the fraudulent contracts… cut spending" if victorious. Following electoral success, Reform launched a "DOGE" unit—modeled on billionaire Elon Musk's controversial Department of Government Efficiency in the United States—promising teams of software engineers, data analysts, and forensic auditors would "visit and analyse" Reform-controlled authorities to identify "wasteful spending."

A photo opportunity on the Kent County Council steps accompanied announcements that the unit would revolutionize local government efficiency. However, implementation has proven problematic. The unit has encountered legal challenges accessing sensitive council data and has reportedly visited only a handful of Reform-controlled councils.

Zia Yusuf, Reform's head of policy, who led the DOGE team until last month, acknowledges limitations on local authority budget control, blaming "overwhelming demands" from Whitehall—the British government's central administrative complex. Nonetheless, Yusuf insists "hundreds of millions of pounds in savings have already been identified."

"The reality is there's a lot of information that can be shared… because it's in the public domain already," Yusuf argues. "[DOGE] has been working with every single one of our councils on an ongoing basis."

He cites specific Kent County Council decisions—including halting a planned office relocation and stopping net-zero environmental schemes—as examples of Reform-identified savings.


However, experts question Reform's savings claims. Councils spend the bulk of their budgets on statutory services—legally required provisions—whose costs have spiraled recently. The County Councils' Network, representing England's largest local authorities, reports members spend on average 69% of budgets on adult social care and children's services, with some spending up to 76%—increased from 63% a decade ago.

Reform argues "waste" exists even within statutory spending. "This idea that… because social care is statutory, there's no point in finding those savings - we don't buy that," Yusuf states.

But Stuart Hoddinott, an associate director at the Institute for Government think tank, believes Reform-identified savings are "minuscule" compared to the financial challenges facing local government.

"They've found things that are just so tiny to be completely insignificant or are cutting programmes that might actually end up saving money in the longer run," Hoddinott argues. "It has just been a complete sort of mirage so far... It's like somebody who makes £30,000 worrying about losing 2p per year."


Pressure on council budgets nationwide has been extensively documented. Ahead of this year's spending review, the Local Government Association estimated councils would face a funding gap of £8.4 billion by 2028/29.

The controversial Kent council meeting where tensions erupted focused partly on budgets and local government reorganization—illustrating how Reform now faces identical challenges as predecessor parties.

Hoddinott acknowledges Reform entered a "broken" system, given funding pressure on statutory services and previous cuts across the board—but accuses the party of "bluster" and "outlandish promises."



"They have focused on culture wars, things like 'Oh, we'll just cut DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) programmes from local authorities and won't run a Pride flag up the pole every June, then that will solve our financial problems,'" Hoddinott argues. "They were also very naive to think that they would be the ones to solve it [budget pressures] given that you have had 15 years of 300-odd local authorities all battling this and trying to come up with solutions."


Reform's DOGE unit has undergone personnel changes. Richard Tice, the party's deputy leader, has assumed control—a transition he describes as "natural evolution" from Yusuf. Tice claims billions can be saved through focus on local government pension schemes, property, and "waste-related contracts." The party will also announce support measures for children with special educational needs and disabilities—a significant cost pressure for councils.

"You'll be hearing over the next few weeks in areas where we have achieved savings, we have identified savings, and where we need to have some serious discussions about what actually is sensible in certain areas," Tice stated.

However, these are controversial issues requiring careful navigation.

Tony Travers, a professor in the Department of Government at the London School of Economics, argues that any benefits would likely require substantial time.

"Reforming the pension system… might produce benefits for local government in the medium term, but it's probably not going to do it for next May, next April," Travers explains. "That's the trouble. With a lot of these things, they can't be done quickly or as quickly as Reform needs."

Travers believes Reform's cost-cutting narrative was "never realistic" and the party now faces the "dawning reality" of an "extraordinary period of financial constraint" that other councils experienced previously.


As councils begin setting next year's budgets, many face bleak prospects—including Reform-led authorities. Lancashire faces a £100 million budget gap over two years; West Northamptonshire warns of "tough choices" plugging a £50 million gap; Worcestershire seeks resident input on a potential 10% council tax rise combined with millions in cuts.

Warwickshire council—led by George Finch, who was just 19 when taking office this summer—warned of "difficult decisions to come."

Despite increased government funding for councils this year and a new allocation method claiming to "fix a broken system," this poses challenges for Reform UK meeting promises to cut costs and save money.

Early indications suggest Reform-led councils will raise council tax from April 2026—acknowledged by both Tice and Yusuf, though both emphasize keeping increases low.

"We never said we would cut council tax," Tice states. "But if you can identify the savings, identify what you shouldn't be doing… then we can achieve lower increases than anybody else."

Yusuf suggested rises unlikely to exceed inflation. "I would expect certainly [in] most of our councils [for] council tax not to go up by more - it is their decision, but it will be a rise in line with inflation, as opposed to the council going into bankruptcy or a rise much more than 5%."

These comments preceded Reform-led Worcestershire, signaling possible 10% increases.

Kent's Kemkaran stated the council would "do everything we can to avoid raising council tax by the full amount"—usually 5% maximum—and wasn't planning service cuts while seeking savings.

However, keeping council tax relatively low often requires spending cuts that may prove unpopular.


At the year's start, Reform UK, Labour, and the Conservatives all averaged approximately 25% in opinion polls. But in May, Reform's average climbed to around 30% for over five months, while the other parties fell below 20%.

Travers believes the party would encounter similar challenges at the national level. Reform promised tax cuts and government spending overhauls to increase efficiency—echoing local government programs.

Signs already indicate reassessment of what's realistic. Earlier this week, Farage retreated from previous promises to deliver £90 billion annual tax cuts.

"Substantial tax cuts" are not currently "realistic" because of the "dire state" of public finances, Farage said, proposing instead "relatively modest" changes like raising tax thresholds and scrapping inheritance tax for family-run businesses.

"The truth is, the constraints of real government would be just as real if they got in at Westminster," Travers states. "Could you really cut benefits for millions of people? It's not that easy… So all of this is the kind of local version of the fact that even political parties who attempt to cut or reduce NHS spending, find themselves increasing it."


Ben Ramanauskas, a senior research fellow in economics at right-leaning think tank Policy Exchange, argues Reform's instinct to cut waste is correct despite challenges.

"Definitely, any party should be looking for efficiency savings," Ramanauskas states. "This is taxpayers' money being spent, and the priority has to be essential public services. There are examples of where there is some waste going on. But it is a very tough job for local authorities and councillors. And I think any party in that position would possibly struggle, given just how our system operates."

Ramanauskas argues "scaling up" savings would be easier at the national level with the ability to "pull all the levers of power."


Luke Tryl, director of focus group and polling company More in Common, argues the link between local performance and national electoral prospects may not be direct.

"If you look at the reasons people went and voted for Reform in the local elections, they were number one – overwhelmingly - migration, and Channel crossings in particular. And number two, general disillusionment with the main parties," Tryl explains. "I'm just not sure that Reform's failure to find savings necessarily helps with that."

Tryl believes Reform's main electoral risk would be significant council failures—social care crises, refuse collection problems, or bankruptcy. "I don't say that the message of 'Reform has put your council tax up' is going to be deterring people in the general election," he added.


For Ghana and other democracies, Reform UK's experience offers lessons about populist movements transitioning from opposition to governance. Ghana has witnessed similar patterns with political parties making ambitious promises during campaigns, then confronting fiscal constraints and institutional realities upon assuming office.

The challenges Reform faces—statutory spending obligations, limited discretionary budget portions, complex service delivery systems—mirror difficulties facing governments worldwide, including Ghana's. The New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC) have both experienced gaps between campaign promises and governance realities, particularly regarding fiscal management and service delivery.

Reform's "DOGE" efficiency initiative parallels various governmental cost-cutting programs globally, including Ghana's periodic public sector reform efforts. Results consistently show that while some waste exists, the majority of government spending addresses genuine needs through legally mandated services—making dramatic cuts difficult without compromising essential functions.


The controversy surrounding Reform's internal tensions and leadership style also resonates across democratic contexts. Effective governance requires not just winning elections but building institutional capacity, managing diverse teams, and navigating complex bureaucratic systems—skills not automatically possessed by insurgent movements skilled at campaigning and criticism.


As Reform UK approaches future elections, its local government record will provide evidence for both supporters and critics. The party has pointed fingers at Labour and Conservatives for broken promises—creating high stakes if Reform cannot deliver on its own pledges.

Hoddinott notes the difficulty of definitively assessing whether Reform councillors are more or less chaotic than others. "They get more attention. So these stories tend to blow a bit more. Having said that, there does seem to have been a lot of incidents since the election."

The party's council performance faces arguably greater scrutiny than political opponents. While Reform claims progress on promises, it clearly grapples with identical challenges as predecessor parties.


"It's very difficult to say exactly that Reform councillors are more or less chaotic than other councillors," Hoddinott observes. The jury remains out on whether Reform demonstrates readiness for national governance based on six months of controlling English councils.

So far, solutions are not proving easy for anyone a reality that may define Reform's trajectory as it seeks to transform from an insurgent opposition movement into a governing party capable of managing Britain's complex governmental machinery and competing demands on limited public resources.

 
 
 

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